#StopVAWIP: Profile of Wajeha Al-Huwaider

by Emma Kingscott

Saudi Arabia; a country known for its extreme wealth, financed by the oil and gas trade, and its extreme conservative Wahhabism ideals on which the state is governed. Yet here the reality for many women is a life of domestic incarceration. This is articulated in Wajeha Al-Huwaider’s description of Saudi Arabia as ‘the world’s largest women’s prison’.

Al-Huwaider is one of the few Saudi women who courageously stand up for the rights of women which are so explicitly denied.  The suppression of women’s rights in Saudi Arabia is well documented, yet the state is still given the freedom to implement laws which prohibit women from going anywhere without the permission of a male guardian, being allowed to drive, given the right to vote or participate in sports. As a journalist and a campaigner, Al-Huwaider makes her voice heard in a state in which the authorities look to silence women. She became an activist and campaigner for women’s rights in order to free women from what she describes as the virtual jail of Saudi Arabia.

Al-Huwaider has set up a number of campaigns to attack the human right violations which women face in the state. After protesting for women’s rights in a peaceful, solo demonstration, she was arrested by the authorities and was banned from writing. She retaliated this disregard for freedom of speech by posting a video of herself driving on YouTube.

The restrictions on women’s speech and human rights in Saudi Arabia are a result of conservative interpretations of religion which promotes a patriarchal system of male guardianship and deliberate infantilization of women. Human rights activists are concerned for the implications this poses for women who are subjected to domestic violence and those who attempt to speak out against violence. Al-Huwaider for that reason founded the ‘Association for the Protection and Defence of Women’s Rights in Saudi Arabia’ which protects women against domestic abuse and provides activism for women’s rights. Protection of women and women’s rights is particularly necessary in Saudi Arabia where rape isn’t criminalised and has previously punished victims for speaking out against their sexual abuse. The Human Rights Watch reported a woman who was sentenced to 6 months in prison and given 200 lashes after taking her rape case to court. She was charged with ‘illegally mingling’ and accused of attempting to aggravate and influence the judiciary.

In 2011, Al-Huwaider was imprisoned for 10 months and banned from travelling outside of Saudi Arabia for trying to save a woman who had contacted her claiming that her abusive husband has locked her and her children in the house without food. Whilst on the way to help the woman escape, she was intercepted by the police and charged for ‘supporting a wife without her husband’s knowledge, thereby undermining the marriage.’ She believes this was a deliberate hoax by the authorities in a further attempt to silence her human rights work. It is apparent the work of Al-Huwaider and other rights activists is more important than ever when it becomes apparent that helping an abused woman in Saudi Arabia is considered a crime.

Furthermore, child marriage is still a wide spread practice in Saudi Arabia and there has been cases of girls as young as 9 being married to 70 year old men. Al-Huwaider has campaigned extensively against child marriages and managed to terminate a marriage between an 8 year old girl to a 50 year old man.  Al-Huwaider has been acknowledged for her advocacy of women’s rights and the Arabian Business Magazine named her one of the most powerful Arab women. Despite facing persecution from the state for her work, Wajeha Al-Huwaider remains a vehement voice for women’s human rights in Saudi Arabia.

References:
Human Rights Watch, 2007 https://www.hrw.org/news/2007/11/15/saudi-arabia-rape-victim-punished-speaking-out
Marler, 2013, http://www.wluml.org/fr/node/8774
Waheja Al-Huwaider, 2009, Washington Post, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/14/AR2009081401598.html
Nela Duke, 2015, Wajeha Al- Huwaider: Citizen of the Week, http://ours-mag.com/2015/03/19/wajeha-al-huwaider-citizen-of-the-week/
Gatestone Institute, 2011, https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/1930/wajeha-al-huwaider-saudi-arabia
Pollitt, 2013, https://www.thenation.com/article/saudi-human-rights-activist-wajeha-al-huwaider-sentenced-prison/

This post was published as part of the 2016 Prajnya 16 Days Campaign Against Gender Violence’s call for profiles of women human rights defenders.

 

 

Violence against Women in Politics (#VAWIP) and Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRD): An Annotated Bibliography

 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN POLITICS AND WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS

An Annotated Bibliography

by Radhika Bhalerao

The intent in compiling this annotated bibliography was to identify and summarise academic as well as non-academic literature easily available in the public domain on the topics of gender-based violence in politics and elections, against Women Human Rights Defenders (HRD), including violence by extremist groups.

The publication of this annotated bibliography as a public document is to assist other researchers, the donor community and others who have an interest in aforementioned arenas.

This annotated bibliography contains resources from international organisations, news articles and peer-reviewed academic publications available in the public domain. The arrangement of the bibliography has also been made in this order and not alphabetically or chronologically.

 

Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights, U. N. (2004). Fact Sheet No. 29, Human Rights Defenders: Protecting the Right to Defend Human Rights. DOI: http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/FactSheet29en.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This fact sheet primarily addresses state authorities, national and international non-governmental organisations, U.N personnel, major private sector actors including transnational corporations, and HRDs themselves. The fact sheet has been divided into four sections that deal with information about what “human rights defenders” are, the violations faced by them, U.N protections and support for their work and recommendations for support and protection of their work. It has been prepared with the objective of supporting HRDs in their work.

The publication is intended for several reasons, such as to provide a rapid understanding of what a “human right defender is” and what activities he/she undertakes, support the right to defend human rights, strengthen the protection of human rights from any repercussions of their work and provide a tool for HRDs in conducting advocacy and training activities. Particular to section II, the document discusses the situation of Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) and establishes that the particular situation and role of women as HRDs require special awareness and sensitivity to both, ways in which they might be affected differently, and to some additional challenges. Importantly, this section notes that while the state is the primary perpetrator of violations against HRDs, WHRDs have often found their rights violated by members of their own communities owing to several social and cultural factors.

The publication also contains a brief analysis of the Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and provides an introduction to the activities and methods of work of the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations on human rights defenders.

 

Women, U. N. (2014). Violence against women in politics a study conducted in India, Nepal and Pakistan. DOI: http://iknowpolitics.org/sites/default/files/vawip-report.pdf  Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

The object of this study is to examine, analyse and understand the context, nature, extent, motives and effects, as well as increasing awareness of, and identifying best practice approaches to Violence Against Women in Politics (VAWIP) in the countries of India, Pakistan and Nepal (South Asia). In doing so, a mixed-method sequential approach and stratified sampling has been employed. The study makes use of primary as well as secondary data. One of the first studies of its kind, it explores the connection between violence and discrimination against women, women’s political participation and political violence and is an important body of knowledge for understanding the extent of VAWIP in the subcontinent.

The study forms three conceptual categories – Structural (social, political and economic), Institutional (individual institutions through which the structure manifests itself) and Functional (efforts challenging the structural features of the socio-political devices creating and perpetuating VAWIP) – to assign the discussion on existing violence, women’s participation in politics, the challenges they face and the attempts to regulate such violence. The study asserts that patriarchy at the structural level, and all its socio-cultural ramifications, are reinforced at the institutional level and are the key factors that lead to VAWIP.

This study makes use of other important bodies of knowledge such as publications by South Asian Partnership and Centre for Social Research for understanding the nature and extent of VAWIP and for developing policy briefs as well as policy level advocacy to influence electoral reforms and creating an enabling environment for women’s engagement with politics. The primary research validates some important research findings of the secondary research used in this study, particularly that social and economic disparities affect gender equilibrium in politics, leading to a deprived political agency, of particularly those women who are not connected to a political family.

Importantly, the study establishes that there is a sparsity of dialogue on the topic of VAWIP, and the political system is in almost complete denial of the existence of VAWIP.  It further states that this silence and limited understanding of the topic is compounded by the lack of structures to address Violence against Women (VAW) and even more broadly, violence in politics.

South Asia Partnership International. (2006). Violence Against Women In Politics: Surveillance System. DOI: http://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/PartPol-VAW_Surveillance_SAPI-VAWP_2007_0.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This guidebook has been published under the VAWIP program implemented by South Asian Partnership (SAP) International to create a favorable environment for women’s political participation in South Asia. The guidebook is intended to provide information and support the Surveillance System (SuS) developed to monitor, document, communicate, refer and advocate against VAWIP.

The guidebook is intended to provide some basic information on the development of, and support the day-to-day practical process of implementation of, the SuS at the regional level for the use of Watch Group Members, SAP Nationals and partners who are the key stakeholders of this system to understand its various levels and processes for proper functioning. The guidebook has been structured in a simple manner and written in a language that is easy to understand, and allows its users to devise a step-by-step action plan relevant to their work.

Apart from being an introduction to the VAWIP program and the SuS, its phases and areas of information, reporting of surveillance, structure of the system and the roles and responsibilities of watch groups, the guidebook also introduces the reader to the South Asian political system and the state of women’s participation in it.

 

South Asian Partnership International. (2007). Unfolding The Reality: Silenced Voices of Women In Politics.  DOI: https://www.academia.edu/14355079/Unfolding_the_reality_Silenced_voices_of_women_in_politics  Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.  

This report has been published in order to reveal the dimensions of VAWIP and attempts to document the realities of the sufferings of women trying to achieve a career in politics. Importantly, the publication holds a mirror to the issues pertaining to the structural form of violence affecting women at various levels of South Asian society.

The report has made use of National Situation Analysis reports, Case Study Reports and other documents prepared by the SAP national and partner organisations and in a unique manner attempts to understand the nature and form of violence against female politicians in a region having a paradoxically complex history of oppression, female leadership in top political positions and mobilisation of women at the grassroots level.

While the study does not cover all the dimensions of the issues of VAWIP, it is intended to act as a stepping stone towards building a new arena for addressing the issues of VAWIP and primarily acts as the breaker of silence on the issue. More importantly, the study is a breakthrough in clarifying some deep-seated myths and misconceptions associated with violence against women in the public domain. For example, it debunks the myth that the perpetrators of violence are social miscreants, perverts or thugs by its finding that government officials, political representatives at the higher echelons and law enforcing agencies top this list (effectively leaving little room for accountability).

The study also makes recommendations to the state, civil society organisations, media, as well as political parties. It urges all stakeholders to act as change agents and work towards a brighter future for women in politics.

 

South Asian Partnership International. (2010). Violence Against Women in Politics: Defining Terminologies and Concepts. DOI: https://www.ndi.org/files/VAWIP_Defining%20TERMINOLOGY%20AND%20CONCEPTS_Final.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This handbook has been published in order to clarify terminologies and concepts and compiling definitions and scope of terms and concepts relating to VAWIP. It has been published by SAP International in collaboration with national SAPs partner civil society organisation working on issue of VAWIP since 2006.

The handbook uses a variety of sources such as books, academic publications, UN conventions and other official UN publications, and material available on websites in the public-domain. Organised alphabetically, the handbook elaborates on concepts such as ‘Affirmative Action’, ‘Coping Mechanisms’, ‘Culture of Silence’ or ‘Women’s Qualitative Participation’ among others. It is interesting to note that this handbook is placed in the context of the challenges faced in South Asia in terms of effective democratic governance as the countries cope with demands of global economy and pressures form citizens for increased participation and representation.

The handbook has been published with the intent and object of being useful to all readers but particularly to those working on the issues of violence against women, women in politics and political violence.

 

Association for Women’s Rights in Development (2014). Our Right to Safety: Women Human Rights Defenders’ Holistic Approach to Protection. DOI: https://www.awid.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/Our%20Right%20To%20Safety_FINAL.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This is a research report published by the Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) and dealing with the topics of safety and security of WHRDs. This research report has been formed by a consultative process that has included individual conversations as well as consultations that brought together WHRDs who defend human rights including women’s rights, in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East. The report provides an insight into the complex situation of women who face threats and violence resulting from their work defending Human rights.

The report does not focus solely on the aspect of physical violence but establishes a need for creation of an enabling environment for WHRDs to work in. The report asserts that the violence experienced by WHRDs, as well as the impact it has on their lives and work, makes it imperative to adopt mechanisms for protection that address the different needs and realities of WHRDs.

Divided in five parts, the publication deals with various aspects of security and protection of WHRDs such as analysing risk factors, exploring protection measures, responsibility of the state, identification and description of regional and international human rights mechanisms in place to protect defenders and providing recommendations for various actors such as states, regional and international human rights protection mechanisms, international cooperation agencies and donors, and national and transnational corporations to develop gender-specific protection initiatives, and what “effective protection” means to WHRDs. Thus, the publication has a strong focus on protection initiatives put in place by the State as well as regional and international multilateral institutions and draws on the experiences and realities of WHRDs in relying on these protection strategies and mechanisms.

The publication emphasises the need to advance an integrated concept of security that goes beyond the mere physical protection of an individual. The report reiterates the need for protection measures and programs to take into account the historical, cultural, political and social contexts in which WHRDs live and address their specific needs and realities. Importantly, the report highlights the limitations of the term “security” by stating that it is often associated with militarization, whereas the word “protection” is often understood as having paternalistic connotations.

 

Pendigrast, K. (2016). BEFORE IT’S TOO LATE: A Preliminary Inquiry: Tangible Protection Mechanisms for Women Human Rights Defenders in the MENA Region and Beyond. Gulf Center for Human Rights. DOI: https://www.google.nl/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwiXqICQwbLQAhVI0xoKHaCyAo8QFggoMAI&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.gc4hr.org%2Freport%2Fdownload%2F55&usg=AFQjCNEzil6ViCSGR2OsqXBEWq52uPFLSw&sig2=vk_iQRLwA95xu5fU0q2Few Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This report has been published with the objective of initiating discussions on various thematic issues, including definitions of WHRDs in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region and how they relate to definitions used by United Nations Mechanisms, including the U.N special Rapporteur on the Situation of HRDs. The report establishes a feminist methodology for the research and has been created with the aim of being a collective and participatory effort based on objective investigation and analysis. The report also aims at addressing and unpacking common problems in definitions and reflecting a culture of reaction while seeking to use women’s voices as the main source of report narratives.

The report places the situation of WHRDs in the MENA region within the context of displacement, secrecy, constant assault and disrupting identity and conventional (legal approaches and social pressure) and unconventional (ICTs and methods affecting social and financial mobility) modes of targeting WHRDs. With the aim of creating a category of WHRDs with a clear set of rules and criteria to be inclusive and non-discriminatory, the report sheds light on the dilemma of the definition of WHRDs. The discussion highlights an evidential gap related to “neutrality” between the local and international circles with regard  to who can identify as a defender in general. The report asserts that the lack of knowledge and awareness of these concepts is problematic and finds that definitions of who can conceptually or theoretically constitute a WHRD are very restrictive, and contribute to excluding a lot of women who are part of these global movements, based on narrow understandings and technicalities.

The report aims to set up a basis for a holistic strategy for prevention of violence against and protection of WHRDs in this region by focusing on components such as communal approach, communal research, tackling urgent issues with time, technology, access to privacy and safe spaces, access to rehabilitation, and establishing a culture of well-being. The report also presents a comprehensive set of recommendations addressing stakeholders on various levels. Prevention is at the core of these recommendations and proposals focus on maintaining and sustaining collaboration between different agencies to achieve the anticipated results through various tools such as legal mechanisms, research, long term programing with a concentration on well-being, access and dissemination of information through safe digital spaces.

 

Foulkes, I. (2016 October, 26). Sexual harassment of female MPs widespread, report says. BBC News. DOI: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-37770664 Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This news article reports on the study by the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU) being released during the group’s annual assembly in Geneva. The article reports that over 80% of the participants had experienced some form of psychological or sexual harassment or violence, as found by the study with fifty-five Members of Parliaments (MPs) from across the globe.

The article put the report in the context of current global developments such as the U.S presidential elections and points to the abuse female politicians face, through social media, by language used by colleagues and voters. The article notes the conclusions of the report, stating that the sheer pervasiveness of sexual discrimination, from humiliating language to harassment to real violence, is preventing many elected women from carrying out their duties in freedom and safety.

 

Moloney, A (2016 September, 9). Violent Extremist groups take special aim at women, U.N. official says. DOI: http://thejournal.io/a/1049744-violent-extremist-groups-take-special-aim-at-women-u-n-official-says Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

The article reports on the statement made by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, the head of U.N Women’s advocacy agency in Salvador, Brazil, stating that armed extremist and fundamentalist groups worldwide are eroding women’s right and undermining gains made in gender equality in recent years, citing militant groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria (kidnapping of 276 girls from secondary school in Chibok) to Islamic state in Iraq and Syria (Yazidi people of northern Iraq where women and girls have been brutalised).

The article also noted the statement that fundamentalists and extremists have intensified attacks on groups that campaign for gender equality and defend human rights, globally.

 

Khan, S. R. (2009). REGIONAL CONFERENCE OF WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS 8–9 August 2009 Women Human Rights Defenders in Bangladesh. Women8, 9. DOI: http://odhikar.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Women-defenders-Bangladesh-Article-2009.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This paper has been presented by the author at the Regional Conference of Women Human Rights Defenders held in 2009. The author begins by accommodating the definition of  WHRDs with Article 1 of Declaration of Human Rights Defenders and proceeds to state that HRDs have several characteristics in common, even though they may have differing reasons in taking up this role. The author then notes the different areas of work that WHRDs cover, the different categories they fall in and the need for special attention and focus in order to ensure their protection. The author discusses the environment in which WHRDs conduct their activities and several gender-specific risks they face owing to the manipulative use of culture, tradition, custom, misinterpretations of religion, social pressures as well as victimisation within the private space.

The author then discusses the “Empowerment of WHRD in Bangladesh Project” by Odhikar, an organisation that has trained and enhanced activities of more than two hundred HRDs across Bangladesh. She states that the project has been aimed at training and enhancing the capacity of local WHRDs in four areas of Bangladesh, and to carry out fact finding missions and monitor the status of cases involving acid violence, rape and dowry related violence. She states that one of the outcomes of the program was the creation of a network of victims, WHRDs, local lawyer groups and the police. The author also states that among the obstacles faced while implementing the program, non-cooperation and inaction by the police was starkly visible.

In conclusion, the author states that the principles of gender equality and non-discrimination of women are vital to protection of WHRDs, and that the state must take measures to correct gender biases in their legal systems, repeal biased laws and policies and modify social attitudes that sponsor gender inequality.

 

Krook, M. L., & Sanin, J. R. (2016). Gender and political violence in latin America. Política y gobierno23(1). DOI: http://mlkrook.org/pdf/pyg_2016.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This article surveys how the concept of VAWIP has been defined by academics and practitioners across Latin America, and notes that it is largely in terms of physical and psychological violence. The article draws on secondary data and research from various disciplines and proposes the expansion of the concept of VAWIP. The articles begins by establishing that there is a major shift towards gender equality in elected office, and measures such as gender quotas have been put in place to achieve better results. However, the article notes that gendered political environments continue to create difficulties and affirmative action, such as quotas, can cause a backlash which may take the form of violence. The author notes that this has caused concerns among international non-governmental organizations across the world,  particularly in Latin America.

The article is divided into four parts. The first section addresses the “state of the art” across Latin America in terms of debate around “political violence and political harassment against women” along with tracing the development of this dialogue. In the second section, the article engages with various academic literature to distinguish VAWIP from related concepts, and theorises the causes behind its occurrence and the significance of the particular forms it takes.

The third section of the article incorporates feminist and non-feminist research and scholarship on violence and contends that apart from physical and psychological violence, economic and symbolic violence should be included in the definition of VAWIP. In this section, the authors also provide the reader with examples of all four types of violence to substantiate the proposal of the revised framework. The final section of the article considers theoretical and practical implications of opting for different definitions. The  authors assert that widening of the definition is important to fully understand the nature of the issue as well as for developing effective solutions for it. They emphasise that a comprehensive approach best tackles the issue.

The article reveals the existence of widespread resistance to full political incorporation of women globally, but particularly in Latin America. Most importantly, the article asserts that VAWIP poses a threat to core democratic values when public officials are prevented by way of intimidation and coercion to prevent them from performing their duties. Thus, the authors assert that VAWIP not only threatens to hollow out national and international commitments to gender-balanced decision-making, but can also affect the integrity of the political system itself. They emphasise that attending to these issues is important not only for women interested in pursuing a political career, but also citizens and the academic community at large.

 

Krook, M. L., & Sanín, J. R. (2016). violence Against Women in Politics. Política y gobierno23(2). DOI: http://mlkrook.org/pdf/pyg_2_eng_2016.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This article has been published as a response to Jeniffer Piscopo’s (2016) critical assessment of the article “Gender and political violence in Latin America-Concepts, debates and solutions” by Krook & Sanin (2016). This article addresses the misinterpretations made by Piscopo and also augments the original article with their thinking informed by seminar discussions, conversations, readings, news items and original interviews conducted in the year preceding the publication of this article.

The authors argue against Piscopo who states that VAWIP is simply a subcategory of violence in politics more generally. Piscopo states that it is a phenomenon which is explained by weak state capacity and criminal justice systems and do not  violate only  women’s political rights but also other laws and legislations. The authors contend that VAWIP is distinct from violence in politics and that it seeks to prevent women’s participation as women. They also recognise the prevalence of this issue and the influence that different contexts have on the content and prevalence of different categories of violent acts. Further, the authors assert that VAWIP is more than just a criminal issue and one which poses a serious challenge to democracy, human rights and gender equality.

The authors argue against Piscopo’s assessment that scholars have accepted activists’ definitions at face value and state that emerging academic studies bring new tools to bear on the definitions of the phenomenon of VAWIP. The authors further make a very important assertion that solutions to address the occurrence of VAWIP should be pursued not only by the state but also by a host of different actors and stakeholders. They note that while the issue of VAWIP is being taken up globally and gaining ground speedily, academic studies are still nascent and emerge primarily out of Latin America. In conclusion, the authors encourage scholars and activists not to abandon the concept of VAWIP and instead work together to bring this issue into focus.

  

Bardall, G. (2013). Gender-specific election violence: the role of information and communication technologies. Stability: International Journal of Security and Development2(3). DOI: http://www.stabilityjournal.org/article/view/sta.cs/ Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

The author begins by establishing that the influence of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) has paralleled development of women’s political participation globally. The author also establishes that women’s experiences of election violence fundamentally differ from men and may take place within the public as well as private spheres, and are distinguishable by their forms and frequencies. The author notes that women experience one-third as many direct physical attacks as men but are three times as likely to experience psychological violence. Further, the author asserts that, coupled with the threats of physical and sexual violence, these forms of election violence are the most devastating for women and are most often orchestrated through social media.

Giving evidence of acts that inflict psychological harm or the fear of it, the author notes that ICTs are often used as tools of gender-specific and electoral violence against women in political life or holding public office. The author also cites examples from Kenya, U.S.A, and U.K among others while discussing the various ways in which social media is used as a tool for intimidation or incitement for violence against women in elections (VAWE). The author notes the moral implications for this kind of violence carry a higher social cost for women owing to the imbalances in what constitutes ‘moral behavior’ for male and female politicians. The author also discusses the benefits that the perpetrator has by way of legal and moral impunity due to the difficulty of regulating and punishing such attacks.

Interestingly, the author also asserts that the same ICTs offer innovative solutions for prevention and mitigation of violence such as monitoring and documentation, education, providing platforms for raising awareness and through empowerment and advocacy. The author notes that one of the biggest advantages of ICTs has been to collect and document incidents of VAWE which helps in recognising its existence and thus establishing a baseline for progress.

In conclusion, the author states that innovative use of ICTs for combatting election and political-related violence against women still have far to go in catching up the threats posed by these ICTs to cause violence against women. She emphasises that it is necessary to understand the underlying dangers presented by social media, and encourages elections-rights and gender-rights advocates and practitioners to integrate best practices from their mutual fields in doing so.

 

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AWID……..Association for Women’s Rights in Development

DOI…………Digital Object Identifier

ICT…………Information and Communication Technology

IPU…………Inter-Parliamentary Unit

HRD……….Human Rights Defender

MENA…….Middle East and North Africa

MP…………Member of Parliament

SAP………..South Asia Partnership

SuS…………Surveillance System

U.K…………United Kingdom

U.N…………United Nations

U.S.A………United States of America

U.S…………United States (of America)

VAWE…….Violence Against Women in Elections

VAWIP…..Violence Against Women in Politics

WHRD……Women Human Rights Defender

 

Parents–key to fighting child sexual abuse

PARENTS – KEY TO FIGHTING CSA

Interview with Vidya Reddy, Tulir, by S. Meera

Tulir – Centre for the Prevention and Healing of Child Sexual Abuse (CPHCSA) – works against child sexual abuse in India. One of the key messages they impart is that cases of child sexual abuse (CSA) exist, but in silence due to the discomfort it generates if acknowledged. Accepting and taking the initiative to respond in a timely and appropriate manner keeping children’s safety in mind is not only a priority, but also a necessity. This will enable children to grow in a safe and enjoyable environment, says Vidya Reddy, who works at Tulir.

Can you tell us about your work done with schools under the Personal Safety Education programme that you conduct?

We don’t do anything in isolation. Personal Safety Education is one of our programmes for schools, but there are multiple ways Tulir can help schools become safe. Whichever aspect is received well, we go with that and then expand the scope organically, depending on response and the needs of each school.

Government schools in Tamil Nadu have been far more receptive to the idea of creating awareness and responding appropriately in their schools. The Director of School Education, in fact, has evolved a reporting system in the schools for such cases. In our experience, private schools in Tamil Nadu should hang their heads in shame. Most private schools are in denial and find several excuses for not creating awareness and establishing systems to enhance child safety. For example, we had been doing CSA workshops annually for a few years in one school. However,  they asked us to take a break one year. The reason – they felt that by doing it every year, they were giving the impression that they had a serious problem of CSA in their school!

Many private schools think that CSA cannot happen in their schools. This is ignoring the reality on the ground. There is no one profile for the perpetrator. They bust every stereotype – they can be educated, married, even have children of their own. Most often, they seek jobs where they can have access to children. Schools are places where abuse or disclosure of an abuse can happen. Schools need to accept that and be prepared for it.

How do you think schools can be equipped to handle and work against child sexual abuse?

They can start with a self-audit for themselves – this way, they can know the situation on the ground and take necessary action to improve the safety levels in their school. Tulir as a facilitator can provide guidelines.

This is just the first step. If nothing else at all, I believe schools need to follow at least these five tenets, which together form a framework to provide children with a safe environment and protect an adult from false allegations:

  1. Take steps to overcome the risks. When hiring a teaching or a non-teaching staff, it is important to look beyond qualifications and experience. If there are gaps in the resume, or if the candidate has hopped schools often, find out why. I think even when recruiting volunteers, this exercise should be followed.

In addition, value interviewing is important as it helps assess their capability to handle awkward situations – for instance, ask how the candidate would react if a student had a crush on him/her.

  1. Then look at your training for teachers to help them understand children’s development issues, not just cognitive and physiological but also psychosexual. I understand you cannot provide training to each and every recruit, but you can have online tutorials and make undergoing that training mandatory for a promotion or a raise.
  2. Code of Conduct – do you have a policy on how the staff should behave with children? Have clear guidelines so staff members are aware of expectations, such as: no staff can be alone with a child, someone else must be present; or if you have to, then you must keep the door open.
  3. Reporting process – every school must have a system for reporting concerns about a child or staff, for instance, having a whistleblower’s clause. Again, the TN government has been proactive in this.
  4. How one manages a reported instance also needs to be thought of. For instance, have a committee that includes an odd number of members and an outside agency to deliberate on what further steps to take. Schools also must consider how they will handle cases of one child abusing another.

Where do you see the challenge in reporting CSA and implementation of the process?

Schools are very aware that they have problems. However, they fear it is a can of worms best not examined too closely. They stonewall and try to play it down.

The second and greater challenge is parents themselves. Ironically, the more educated and well-heeled parents are the ones who usually underplay any kind of safeguarding needed to keep their child safe. Even if the child reports, they want to hush it up and do not bring it to the notice of the authorities concerned. PTAs should demand that their schools implement child protection policies. Any child deserves justice, and being believed is the simplest and most powerful form of justice for a child. More often than not, they are disbelieved and shamed.

Studies show that only 12-24 percent of instances of CSA get disclosed, and only a miniscule of that gets reported to authorities. Parents are the key; they must stop deluding themselves with myths about CSA. Their mindsets have to change, and that can happen only with greater awareness. They must be able to handle uncomfortable topics – for instance, today children are watching pornography because they have easier access. Parents need to acknowledge that and guide their children to process what they see.

POCSO Act (Protection of Children from Sexual Offences) 2012 very correctly makes school management responsible for any incident of CSA in their school, which they may have been aware of but did not act upon. Law is the not the only recourse, but even if it has to be enforced, and if there is a complaint,the success depends on the child not turning hostile. The greatest risk is from parents as well as schools. Also, principals themselves need support to be able to implement and enforce protection policies.

Schools also make the mistake of assuming that having a counsellor is enough. However, are they in tune with this generation? Do they know enough about sexual violence and trauma to be suggesting and taking appropriate steps?

These are some of the issues we at Tulir address through our workshops and by working closely with schools that want to provide a safe environment. Between November 28 and 30, we will be conducting a workshop, ‘Safe Schools: Supporting schools address child sexual abuse, holistically’ under our continuing workshop series – Connecting the Dots. The lead facilitator will be Dr Lois J Engelbrecht, who has helped create systems of prevention and response to sexual abuse of children in the Phillippines, Malaysia, China, India, Saudi Arabia, Ghana and Vietnam.

 

Life in a girl’s Porta-Cabin

LIFE IN A GIRLS PORTA-CABIN: A RESIDENTIAL SCHOOL FOR GIRLS

by Rashmi Kumari

porta-cabin

Porta-cabin at Sunset. Picture by Rashmi Kumari

Jayashree*, a shy eighth-standard student, loved to play. Enrolled at a ‘Porta-cabin’ in Ankaluru village of Bijapur district in Chattisgarh, Jayashree participated in kabaddi competitions held at the village. Her excitement was palpable when Porta-cabin’s warden (Adhikshaka) recommended her name in the school’s team to compete in the under-14 Block-level competitions. However, she had an unusual problem – Jayashree didn’t know her age.

Like Jayashree, all the 11 girls who were recommended for the kabaddi team were unaware of their dates of birth. This may have been a non-issue for most children in this tribal belt, as documenting one’s age is not a common practice among their community. However, for a student, issues such as this assume several facets. Under one of the RTE norms, free and compulsory education is provided to children between the ages of six and 14 years. This makes proof of age for these children important to be enrolled in the mainstream school portal. Age is also an important factor for children to participate in any event held at different levels.

For children who stay with their parents, this may not pose a big problem. Jayashree and her friends, who hail from interior villages (andarwale gaon) and stay at residential Porta-cabins, depend on their school staff (Anudeshaks and Adhikshaks) to know their age and dates of birth. A common practice among the staff is to guess a child’s age and assign a date of birth depending on their own religious and national sentiments. Popular dates are Republic Day, Independence Day, Gandhi Jayanthi, Christmas, and even Valentine’s Day. This is primarily because many of these students at the Porta-cabin were either displaced or orphaned due to the violence that shook Chattisgarh during Salwa Judum.

Caught in the crossfire between different actors involved in the bloody conflict, these children were encouraged to take shelter in make-shift residential schools, a.k.a. Porta-cabins, by the then district authorities. Driven by the fact that permanent school structures were used by military and para-military forces as a base for their operations and the consequent destruction of these structures by the Maoists, authorities came up with a so-called ‘innovative’ solution – creation of temporary, prefabricated bamboo structures that could be relocated at a short notice. These cabins were supposed to be an immediate, short-term solution to provide safer spaces to children affected by the conflict. However, they have been made concrete and are replacing the non-residential school in some respect.

Hailed as a most ‘successful’ initiative, 500-seater Porta-cabins started springing up across the violence-hit Bastar region. A total of 65 cabins providing free education to children until the eighth standard were established between the intervening period of 2008 and 2013. Following the incidents of sexual harassment, these schools were further segregated along the lines of gender. During this phase of expansion, Porta-cabins underwent a transformation. Prefabricated bamboo structures gave way to concrete structures; a temporary solution was now regarded as a permanent substitute for regular government schools in the area. ‘Adarsh Gurukul’ became ‘Avasiya Vidyalaya’.

The transition of these schools from Adarsh Gurukul to Avasiya Vidyalayas may not be a co-incidence. In the official discourses that seldom talks about the community’s needs and perceptions, Porta-cabins have been hailed as the best solution to provide ‘safe’ spaces for conflict-hit children. Located at the fringes of Naxal dominated areas, Porta-cabins were also intended to serve as an example to the local population. The then collector of Dantewada, O.P. Chaudhary, gives his rational for promoting Porta-cabins in a paper he co-authoured with Manisha Priyam and Sanjay Chopra.

“There was a constant threat of naxal violence.  The fringe area schools were developed as clusters of development – building of roads, bridges, electricity, drinking water, and health facilities was veered around them. It helped to create a demonstration effect for the people from interior villages,” the paper argues.

The geographical location of these residential schools hint at a two-fold assumption of safety.  At one level, the campus is assumed to be safeguarded by the very presence of a police station and a CRPF camp right by its side. On another level, it is assumed that the children will be ‘mainstreamed’, reducing the possibility of falling into the ‘wrong hands’.

During my stay in the area, I found that most Porta-cabins were located at the peripheries of the villages adjacent to the CRPF camps. Girls’ residential schools, such as Ankaluru Porta-cabin, were also supposed to be a ‘no-male’ premises, making them ‘safer’ for girls.

The phrase ‘safer for girls’ is a politically charged statement. Keeping the girl child as a central figure in the discourses of global politics is a form of “child politics” (Baird 2008) in general and “girl child politics” (Berents 2016) in particular. As Berents further says that in the discursive figure of the “girl child the protective, patriarchal and innocent discursive framings become more explicit”. (Berents, 2016). A gender identity does not stand in isolation with other identities of caste, tribe, class and race. Hence, it is also not immune to the power and hierarchies of the society. Hierarchy in a society is generally maintained through spatial segregation. Feminists studies of schooling, curricula have pointed out how within the institutional knowledge and contexts, gender ideologies are maintained and reproduced (Bhog 2002, Chanana 2001, Manjrekar 2013). School knowledge and practices often work in tandem with the heteronormative patriarchal society to present a ‘normalised’ male-dominated world.

The state-led effort of ‘mainstreaming’ children presents numerous challenges for girl students such as Jayashree. Contradictions in the concept of Porta-cabin present themselves at several levels. These girls are removed from their own communities, which are considered to be easily influenced by the Maoist ideology, so that they will be kept safely away from violence and armed resistance. Kept at a close proximity to the armed state forces, girls, however, are constantly reminded about the violence engulfing their lives.

Further more, even if the security forces stopped occupying majority of the school premises as their operations base following the 2011 Supreme Court order, these premises are still under constant scanner of security forces. Girls at Ankaluru Porta-cabin were constantly reminded about the presence of armed soldiers during the patrols conducted by the CRPF and state police forces twice a week. During these patrols, the armed policemen form a ring around the school and the residential areas. Interestingly, policemen always face the inhabitants and subject them to a constant gaze. Intensity of these patrols increased significantly around Independence Day celebrations.

The pattern of these patrols point out that though the children are in ‘safe’ spaces, they also seem to be posing some kind of threat to the state which necessitates a constant surveillance. Many a times during my fieldwork, block officials and government para-teachers (Sikshakarmi) pointed out to me that these children, who come to Porta-cabin, are the children from “andarwale gaon” meaning either ‘liberated’ villages or Naxal strongholds. Hence, there was a necessity for the government to bring them into mainstream through education.

The aim of education, say Krishna Kumar and Latika Gupta, “is to enable all children to realize their right to participate in governance as sensitive and responsible citizens” (Kumar and Gupta, 2008: 27). They further note that it is a difficult aim for children from Dalit, tribal, minority and other groups to achieve. It also becomes a two-fold battle for girls belonging to these groups, because they not only have to face the general deprivation that these communities face but also the suppressive forces that every girl faces (ibid).

Navigating their ways through the geographical challenges of these terrain and political challenges posed due to the dispute over resources, these girls are fighting a larger war and hoping to continue their studies after middle school. Some of them are able to join high schools and some are still waiting for high school hostels to be constructed in their village. When asked about her future plans and aspirations, Jayashree, who is about to complete her eighth standard, smiles and says, “Madamji, hostel me hi rehkar padhenge.”

*Names of people and places have been changed to protect their identity.

(Rashmi Kumari finished her MPhil at Tata Institute of Social Sciences in 2016. This article is an excerpt from her MPhil thesis that was based on her fieldwork conducted in 2015 in Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh.)

References:

Baird, B. 2008. “Child Politics, Feminist Analyses.” Australian Feminist Studies 23 (57): 291–305.

Berents, H. 2016: Hashtagging girlhood: #IAmMalala, #BringBackOurGirls and gendering representations of global politics, International FeministJournal of Politics,

Bhog, D. 2002. Gender and Curriculum. Economic and Political Weekly, 37, 1638-1642.

Chanana, K. 2001. Hinduism and Female Sexuality: Social Control and Education of Girls in India. Sociological Bulletin , 50, 37-63.

Kumar , K., & Gupta, L. 2008. What is Missing in Girls’ Empowerment ? Economic and Political Weekly. Vol. 43 Issue, 2-27, 19-24.

Manjrekar, N. 2013. Gender, Childhood, and Work in the Nation: Voices and Encounters in an Indian School. In G. B. Nambisan, & S. S. Rao, Sociology of Education India: Changing Contours and Emerging Concerns (pp. 157-181). New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Story of Janishala

THE STORY OF JANISHALA:
AMIDST GENDERED EDUCATION AND CREATING LEARNING POSSIBILITIES

by Purnima

Janishala was started by Nirantar in 2008, in Mehroni block of Lalitpur district, Uttar Pradesh. Janishala was part of Sahjani Shiksha Kendra, Nirantar’s field intervention in the area of women’s education and empowerment. Learners at the Janishala were between 14 to 25 years of age and came from Dalit and Adivasi communities. Early marriage, along with poverty, hard labour, violence and migration, marked the lives of the young Janishala learners, as a result of which they have either not been able to complete their primary education or have had poor quality of education. A residential space like the Janishala enabled learners to engage with education in a focussed and intensive manner. It also helped quicken the pace of learning.

Such an intervention is significant in a context where out-of-school young women have no opportunity or platform to further their education. Janishala addresses this gap by focussing on quality of education and catering to the needs of women with different levels of learning. It also prepares learners for middle-school learning and mainstream examinations. The Janishala curriculum focuses on skills, technology empowerment, local knowledge and context. The five themes included in the curriculum cut across subject areas; these were Body, Media, Samaaj (Society), Bazaar (Market) and Jal, Jungle aur Zameen (Water, Forest and Land).

A critical analysis of issues of patriarchy and caste informs the entire Janishala curriculum. Unconventional areas/themes such as body and media were included in the curriculum for the first time. A focus on ‘body’ facilitates a deeper and holistic understanding of health and sexuality from a rights framework. The ‘media’ theme also provides access to news, information and technology; domains that have traditionally been the stronghold of upper caste, educated men. In these profiles, learners narrated moments of joy and happiness of coming to a residential school, the negotiations they had to make in order to come there, their achievements of learning about their bodies, questioning gender stereotypes and learning about a world beyond their own.

Sharda

janishala-1

When Sharda came to the Janishala, she was 12 years old; amongst the youngest and smallest girls in the centre. She came with a big group of girls from her village. Within the first two months, the others left;she was the only one that stayed. She had already cleared her Class 8 exam and had been enrolled in a mainstream school. She barely ever attended classes,struggling to identify letters, leave alone stringing a sentence together. Her parents were very supportive of her studying in the Janishala, but were very poor. So Sharda herself worked hard to earn the money to pay the small fee.

Once at Janishala, it was as if the padhai (study) bug had bitten her – she couldn’t get enough of the stories in the language sessions and  the ‘big sums’ in the numeracy sessions. What excited her most were the sessions on media, especially technical skills such as videography and computers. Sheonce said, with a shy glint in her eyes, that she was the “best in class”, and wanted to learn more. She was later selected to participate in a workshop on ‘new media’ in Banda, where she sharpened her Internet, video and photo skills, until she was quite the filmmaker! Her only regret was not having learnt enough English at the Janishala to send emails. She said she made friends, both with learners and teachers, at Janishala than anywhere else, and felt lonely when she went back home! She also missed, more than anything, the padhai at the Janishala. She said after being at the Janishala, she was able to think about herself and her future for the first time. After she finished 8 months at the Janishala and passed her Class 8 exam again, she enrolled in Class 9, staying on at Janishala. She managed to keep off pressure from her family to get married till she was 16 and passed her high school exam, leaving Mehroni with the determination to study further, and someday work in a DTP shop of her own.

Girja

janishala-2

It was virtually impossible to distract Girja when she was in the numeracy session, with one baby in her lap and the other one pulling at her hair. “Lakshmi, my eldest daughter, asked me why her mother is studying in school now.So I said I am studying, like you are in school. So Lakshmi asked, didn’t your mother make you study, like you make me? I said no; my mother never studied, so now I am studying on my own.”

Girja never went to school, but attended the SSK centre in her marital home, Sojna basti, occasionally. “There was always work to do, and my husband would hardly ever let me go. I wouldn’t have been able to study if I was at home, there were too many problems.” After years of domestic trouble, being abandoned by her husband over and over, and living on her own, Girja was determined to immerse herself in the Janishala experience and make the most of it. She says she has to fend for herself and her three daughters, and for this, studying further is imperative. She doesn’t feel conscious of being older than most of the girls – even when she hears rumours carried back from girls in her village, about how she has broken up a home and is studying at such a late age. “I’ve tried to keep the home together for long enough. Now it’s time to take my life in my own hands.”

Girja mostly enjoys the numeracy session, and although she cannot compare the Janishala pedagogy or curriculum with any other school, she says the combination of padhai and building an understanding and getting information on so many things is really good – it should be the only way of learning! Her favourite activity is on sexuality, as part of the Body theme, where they were asked what food people liked, and everyone liked something different. Even talking about feeling shy as a woman, and how different it would feel if they were all men, she says was interesting.

She feels quite sad about life after Janishala. She knows that between working on the fields and doing labour between agricultural seasons, it will be hard for her to study further. The closest school to her home is quite far, and there is no transport to reach there. She will have to take care of the children herself too. She would like to take tuitions in the evenings, but she knows it will be hard to afford it. Still, she thinks that some of the information she will take away from the Janishala will make her life better, more informed, more empowered.

While Janishala has provided tremendous potential for the growth of learners, it has also been a space where teachers coming from a similar context have been exposed to new ideas, concepts and learnings. Such educational spaces not only create literacy opportunities but also enable perspective building so that learners can develop critical thinking in terms of their own life and not just operate from the ideas of socialisation and conditioning.

Nirantar works on gender, sexuality, education, and women’s literacy from a feminist perspective, with a focus on the inter-linkages between class, caste, sexuality, and religion.

Teaching the girl… her place?

TEACHING THE GIRL…HER PLACE?

by Reva Yunus

The ‘cycle

It was in class V

That my father bought me a bicycle

‘go, get your own notebooks and pens now.’

On a deserted road, in that forsaken neighbourhood,

Supporting her bike, he taught her to ride.

She would whizz past on her new ‘cycle,

He would be all puffed up with pride.

Soon, the girl with the bike left her little town

For greener pastures, for the metropolis,

And fell in love…oblivious of the barriers of caste.

The ‘progressive’ father

Had never imagined

What was to merely make easier

His daughter’s life, will become a historical ‘blunder’.

~ original poem in Hindi by Asha Singh[1]

(English translation by author)

I begin with this poem because it captures multiple aspects of brahminical patriarchy, whether it is girls’ freedom of movement or endogamy and control over women’s bodies and decisions. The day when texts like this poem could become part of the “syllabus” children in India are expected to learn in schools, we can perhaps start expecting education to meaningfully tackle gender-based and other inequalities. In order for that to happen, there are questions that need to be posed to formal education.

In public and policy discourses, girls’ and women’s education is invariably linked with this very vaguely defined and unspecified term, ‘women’s empowerment’. However, given the pervasive nature of gender-based discrimination and violence across the country, we need to question this assumption that any sort of empowerment for women follows from education, particularly school education.

Alongside the question of girls’ access to school education, we also need to ask if/how the process and content of education address the question of gender injustice in our society. Existing research in India and elsewhere shows that all aspects of education – access, teaching-learning practices, content/curriculum, etc. – send students and staff messages about gender relations and roles. Yet, when it comes to debates around the fundamental right to education the only gender-based issue that gets any attention is that of access. And then every summer there is the usual flurry of comments on how well (or otherwise) girls have done with respect to boys in various subject areas.

While these are important questions, there are several other urgent questions relating to classroom texts and practices that remain unasked: what is it that girls learn when they learn how to clear examinations? What does their classroom experience as girl students –in view of the socioeconomic and cultural differences among them – tell them about the role and place of different women and girls in school and wider society? If we look at just one aspect of this experience and ask, ‘what do textbooks tell students about gender roles and relations in the world around them?’ it becomes clear that school education needs to go a long way before gender justice effectively becomes a concern, rhetoric around girls’ schooling and empowerment notwithstanding.

Existing research by feminist scholars shows that textbooks across states are overflowing with gender biases. Thus, a central component of education – curricular texts – systematically reinforce gender stereotypes by rigidly and narrowly defining the “masculine” and the “feminine”. These stereotypes send messages to both boys and girls about ideal gender roles and relations as notions of “girl”/“woman” and “man”/“boy” are constructed simultaneously, usually in opposition to each other and leaving no space for questioning a world organised through this rigid binary.

There are two related ways in which school textbooks reinforce stereotypes: one, by representing women in particular and limited ways and only showcase female characters in certain roles. Even these stories of the caring and nurturing mother or sister, or the devoted wife are narrated from patriarchal perspectives rather than from the point of view of the women themselves, thus systematically eliding and/or misrepresenting the everyday struggles of different kinds of women. In other words, such a representation of women/girls is made possible by excluding women’s experiences from textbooks.

Even when there are role models like a woman scientist or a queen, the nuances of their struggles are missing and only the dominant “feminine” is stressed through their characters. Consider the case of queen Maharani Ahilya Bai Holkar (of Indore) as an example. In the Hindi language textbooks produced by the State Council for Educational Research and Training (SCERT) in Madhya Pradesh, she is only presented as a mother and a selfless and committed social worker. Her life as a young bride trying to establish a relationship with her husband and her escape from the ritual of sati are missing and so are her strategic decisions and manoeuvrings as a consummate stateswoman[2]. In other words, there is a distinct effort to de-sex women [in order to uphold the idea of the chaste, loyal, obedient woman] and to deny them abilities that are by dominant standards considered “masculine”. Thus, texts obscure the grim realities of various patriarchal family or community settings and the complex reality of women’s efforts to resist these, as well as their reasons to accommodate to these systems.

Equally important, the other axes of inequality that make things possible for some women while keeping them out of the reach of others, are missing too. For example, the SCERT mentioned above also published the astronaut Kalpana Chawla’s story in the English language textbook and the upper caste middle class teacher duly underlined Chawla’s achievements as an astronaut despite being a woman and exhorted the girls in her classroom to rise to the same standards instead of being afraid. What was missing in that classroom was a discussion of how the ideal the teacher was holding up to the girls was different in many important details of her life to the realities these girls were faced with. Or a reflection on the similarities and differences between the teacher and the students[3].

Differences of caste, religion, class and language between teachers and students also affect learning experiences in gendered ways. In the school in Indore (Madhya Pradesh) where I did my doctoral fieldwork, I found multiple instances of Brahmin teachers subjecting Dalit girls to moral policing much more severe than what other students (both boys and girls) were subjected to. Similarly, Muslim boys seemed to be under severe pressure to stick to the image of the “good” Muslim boy, i.e. to be obedient, non-disruptive and patriotic. This socialisation into desired gender ideals marked by religion, caste, etc. does not just happen in state government schools; “better- off” schools with more resourceful students or smaller class size do not show the motivation to challenge gender and other injustices either.

This problem of representation and diverse or conflicting worldviews is related to a larger issue with textbooks across the spectrum of schools in India: curricular texts usually represent the world from the point of view of the privileged. Whether it is privilege based on caste, class, or language[4] or any of the scores of other ways in which people are discriminated against in India. The problem of limiting textbooks to the life world of the Hindu, male, middle class, upper caste child, was also highlighted in the position paper Gender Issues in Education published as part of the National Curriculum Framework 2005 by the National Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT). This is why feminist sociologists of education have argued that textbooks be produced through engagement with feminist scholarship, various women’s movements and organisations working with women.[5]

However, the existence of the NCF 2005 itself highlights the problems of inequality in and through education. While it is intended to be a national framework, not all categories of schools have implemented the framework[6]; mostly because there has been no political will to monitor and implement standards for curricular quality across schools or to commit adequate resources for an effective curricular reform. This brings me to my most important argument: that stratification in education is itself a contributing factor to gender injustice in and through education. Parents’ ability to pay for their children’s education has become the single most important factor determining the quality of education these children can access. Since the school system is stratified, there can be tremendous differences in the possibilities for teaching and learning between different kinds of schools (not only private and government but within each sector there are again different kinds of schools offering education of widely varying quality). Because of this they differ in resources, infrastructure, class-size, availability and qualifications of teachers, teachers’ working conditions as well as curriculum and pedagogic principles and practices. Thus, the resources and physical and intellectual infrastructure required to build a feminist classroom are not equally available to all girls in the country. Worse, these are usually less available to the girls most in need of it. Girls fighting multiple oppressions – born of impoverishment, anti-minority propaganda, caste-based oppression and/or discrimination based on their tribal status – often end up in least resourceful schools.

Thus, the struggle for a gender just curriculum also always has to be a struggle for equal education for all girls.

(Reva Yunus is a Ph.D. candidate is Sociology at the University of Warwick.)

[1] This is a translation of the Hindi poem ‘cycle’ by Asha Singh, currently Assistant Professor, Amity School of Communication, Amity University, Noida. The original Hindi text was published on ‘Savari’: http://www.dalitweb.org/?p=2924 ‘Savari’ is a web platform for feminist reflections and debates by Adivasi, Bahujan and Dalit women. Poem has been translated and referenced with poet’s permission.

[2] For example, a most thought-provoking portrayal of Ahilya Bai can be found in the movie Devi Ahilya Bai. It tells the story of her life before she became a devi (goddess) and a universal ‘mother’. The movie also shows the weaknesses and failings of her husband and son.

[3] My own writing throughout my PhD has been complicated by differences (caste, class, religion and location) between me and the students on the one hand, and between me and the women teachers on the other.

[4] Malini Ghose has written an excellent paper on the relationship between questions of language, literacy and those of gender and power: Literacy, power and feminism in the April 27, 2002 issue of the Economic and Political Weekly.

[5]Such material has been produced in contexts other than those of formal education.Unfortunately, as some feminist scholars have pointed out, in post-independence India, the various women’s movements have not really engaged with questions around girls’ schooling or gender issues in formal education. (Patel 1998; Manjrekar 2003)

[6]A ‘national’ framework does not imply exactly same content in textbooks across regions and schools, just a uniform standard and a framework within which schools and teachers can ideally propose a wide variety of content for different schools and classrooms.

The Inclusive Classroom

THE INCLUSIVE CLASSROOM

Teaching Peace Values to Prevent Gender Violence

by Priyadarshini Rajagopalan

There is a lot of talk in education about creating an ‘inclusive educational environment’ in schools. This term immediately suggests the process of integrating children with special educational needs into a regular classroom.[i] However, that would be a very narrow view of the term inclusive as it presupposes that the existing population of the classroom is ‘included’.

Inclusion in its entirety is not just about sharing space, but about respecting differences, accepting individuality and disallowing stereotypes. If that is true, then it is about creating an environment where there is no discrimination, intentional or otherwise, of race, socio economic status, ability or gender, to name a few. While some inequalities are apparent and therefore consciously addressed, many practices go unnoticed either because they are steeped in the culture of our society or because people are unaware of its role in perpetuating stereotypes. Skewed gender perspectives, unfortunately, go unnoticed for both reasons.

So where does it all begin? In many parts of the world, it begins with the color of the room and motifs on the nursery wall, while in others it begins with the name and preferential treatment for one gender, or the presence of stereotypical role models. The list is endless, but the result is similar; children learn early on in life that regardless of how many women police officers they see, the word ‘police’ is almost always associated with a male first.

To quote a 6 year old:

I know what a tomcat is; it’s a girl cat that thinks it’s a boy.”

I think this sets the stage for reflection. At six, this child had generalised the idea of a ‘tomboy’ and applied that belief to a tomcat. One can only assume that she had been called a ‘tomboy’ one too many times, thus the generalisation. This stereotyping of what girls are like and not like begins early[ii]. While not everyone is consciously teaching this divide, the message gets across.

Let us look at this language. If we are to try and break down ‘tomboy’ into specific characteristics, the list may read as follows:

  • Physically active – enjoys high-energy physical activity, including sports
  • Outspoken – shares ideas loudly, vocal about views
  • Practical clothing style – prefers comfortable clothing that allows for movement

Is there anything particularly related to ’boy’ here? We can say this about many people regardless of gender. While the behaviour is not necessarily gender specific, the cultural connotation is. Society has its ‘norms’ for girl behaviour and boy behaviour; therefore, displaying one not associated with your gender warrants a label.

So, what seems like an innocuous remark, in realty, hides century-old biases and goes on to contaminate many areas of gender equality. From this stem many other gender assumptions on what are considered male vs. female occupations to idiomatic language usage such as ‘girly’, ‘macho’ and  ‘effeminate’ among others.

Sometimes, the environment subtly suggests a ‘gender’ appropriateness where there should be none. For example, a friend reported how a student of hers saw a young man waiting for an interview with the Principal of the school and asked him what he was here for. The man replied that he had come to apply for the position of a teacher. The boy, all of 8 years, told him “don’t bother, she will not hire you as a teacher, you can be the gardener or watchman or bus driver but not a teacher.” Obviously, his remark came from his observations of the school environment.

Add to these the numerous intentional ways gender roles are typified and we have the makings of a generation growing up believing that the ‘male ‘and ‘female’ domains are markedly different. That men are meant to be a certain way. This belief leads to many practices, from tolerating violence to resigning oneself to many discriminations. For example, if we did find the two genders sharing equal space and responsibility at work, they are more than likely to be perceived and treated differently. This may lead to a possible pay gap between the genders.

The reason such phenomena exist is because somehow, somewhere, generations of women are willing to believe that men should be paid more to do the same job they do, because ‘they do it better’, ‘they have a family to support on their earnings’, ‘they are better leaders’ and a multitude of other such justifications. This continues to happen in hospitals, schools and in most spaces where men and women can hold comparable positions.[iii]. And yes! There are still professions that will not allow women to even apply to certain high-ranking positions.

Since a child’s first exposure to society is through home and school, if adults in these environments can become conscious of the messages that imply a gender imbalance and work towards changing them, then the child has something to compare with and question outside influences.

There are some direct and indirect ways to do this. While the skill of using non-judgmental language can be actively taught, that of acceptance and respect are better modelled. However, for both, it is important that adults be equally cognizant of their own views and ensure that they only influence children in a positive manner.

Becoming conscious and cautious with language usage is one way, as many gender biases can be perpetuated just by unintentional utterings. Adults can go a step further and challenge and discuss any preconceived idea a child may have been exposed to. This will ensure that children clarify their own thoughts and have the vocabulary and arguments to challenge these notions elsewhere.

Another way to move forward would be to make informed choices for content children are exposed to, and review/modify it if needed. To take an example from lessons at school, often the top 5  ‘inventions and inventors’‘ mentioned in text books are male, particularly if it is a scientific or mathematical invention. Having resources for students to have access to many examples, including different genders, would certainly open their mind to the possibility.

Teachers can also consciously encourage all students across all subject areas and activities. The classic line – ’girls are bad at math’ or ‘girls don’t like math’ is easy to spot and change. However, we often don’t realise how something as simple as inviting girls to decorate something or boys to help lift a table is strengthening the gender myth. It is these small impressions that can later form stereotypes. At home, not many parents spontaneously call boys to help them cut vegetables or set the table. Parents have different rules for how late their child can stay out at a friend’s place based on their gender. There are many such examples that adults need to become conscious of. That is not to say we must be contrived and begin calling only boys to cut vegetables and only girls to mow the lawn, but that we must, until it comes naturally to us, consciously offer the choice to either gender.

Another important example to set for children is for adults to stand up against biases and discrimination. As it is often said, gender violence is not just about the perpetrator, but also the silent spectators and victims who choose to tolerate the violence and don’t speak up about it. A simple step to intervene, offer/seek help and find solutions to a situation goes a long way in helping children feel empowered to do the same.

Acceptance is best demonstrated when adults treat other adults in the environment, regardless of skill, ability, gender, occupation etc., with respect. In schools, this may be as simple as making the effort to thank whoever performs a service for you, be it the person tending the garden or a teacher. The same applies to adult-child interactions as well.

There are several ways adults can help children experience a balanced gender approach in schools[iv]. To highlight a few:

  • survey and clear the environment of subtle biases
  • become conscious of one’s own views and behaviours[v]
  • consciously change and challenge discriminatory behavior
  • use non-judgmental, unbiased language[vi]
  • encourage dialogue, debate and discussions on issues of equality
  • internalize the message offered by role models

Therefore, while it would be great to have everyone treat all genders as one, it must begin with individual effort. If each committed adult consciously stops perpetuating myths, then at some point this cycle should stop.

(Priyadarshini Rajagopalan is a Montessori educator and has been a part of Prajnya’s Education for Peace Initiative since its inception.)

[i]http://www.specialeducationguide.com/pre-k-12/inclusion/

[ii]http://www.education.com/reference/article/gender-bias-in-teaching/

[iii]http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWDR2012/Resources/7778105-1299699968583/7786210-1315936222006/chapter-5.pdf

[iv]https://www.dropbox.com/s/1wpo37oz3wv3nan/Gender%20Inclusive%20Schools%20Toolkit.pdf?dl=0

[v]https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/education.html

[vi]http://ielgroup.weebly.com/inclusive-vs-exclusive-language.html

Education, Gender and Violence: The 2016 Blog Symposium

This year’s campaign blog symposium centres around the global 16 Days of Activism theme: “From Peace in the Home to Peace in the World: Make Education Safe for All!”

The blogposts we’ve compiled are primarily reflections on how education can be made more inclusive and how teaching inclusiveness can be a way to prevent gender violence. We also have an interview with Vidya Reddy of Tulir, whose pioneering work with schools has put child sexual abuse on the social change agenda.

 

Households as Workspaces: Towards the Safety of Women Domestic Workers in India

by Mouli Banerjee

On April 28, workplaces around the world commemorated workers who have suffered illness or injury and even death, due to workplace-related hazards and incidents. It is recognized as the “International Day of Mourning” for workers, or what International Labour Organisation has declared the ‘World Day for Safety and Health at Work’. Yet, on the occasion of days like this, one must keep in mind the workers who do not get sufficiently mourned, whose rights are not safe enough and whose workplaces are barely recognised. The elusive safety and security at purportedly “unconventional” spaces of work, like the household, thus deserve special scrutiny.

Paid domestic work, around the world, is not sufficiently recognised or regulated, consequently exposing such workers to vulnerabilities. These vulnerabilities are rooted in the unequal societal structures. One on hand, there is a sense of servitude attached to domestic work, derived from a historically feudal understanding of power relations.  On the other hand, there is an assumption that domestic work and the domestic space itself are mostly feminine, which results in it not being seen at par with other male-dominated work. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) data suggests that globally, as many as 53 million people are employed as domestic workers [1]. The economic vulnerability of the work opens up all domestic workers to risks of psychological and physical abuse.  Given that about 83% of all domestic workers around the world are women [2], these risks are magnified for them.

This reluctance to acknowledge the household as a workplace is misogynist and dangerous. It exposes women engaged in domestic work to slavery, sexual harassment of various degrees, and other human rights abuses. However, in context of the safety and health in workspaces, it is important to recognize that such women lack safety at work not only because of their gender. The vulnerability of women domestic workers in India, similar to global patterns, not just is rooted in the nature of the work itself but also directly related to the ways in which Indian societies view structures of caste, class and gender.  Women who work in other households, mainly engaged in menial labour, mostly belong to a lower economic group. Class and often caste hierarchies coincide, for women in domestic work, making them the marginalised “Other” women on multiple levels. Thus, they become the less important workers of the economy, and their workplace loses out in priority, to other conventional workspaces, when it comes to protecting the safety and security of workers.

The problem with the way the government has dealt with the rights of domestic workers in India lies precisely in this- that while the laws recognise such women as vulnerable to sexual abuse at their workplaces, it does a poor job of recognising domestic work as work in itself. By failing to recognise the fact that the economic insecurity suffered by such women contributes to the risks to personal security that such work entails, the laws in place in India fail to provide for the safety and health of these women at their workplaces.   

At the very outset, one must note that globally, almost 10.5 million domestic workers are actually children [3]. In India too, children are forced to work as domestic help, and feed into the vicious cycle of physical and sexual abuse. Yet, while such employment of children in India is criminalised, our national labour laws do not recognise adult domestic work at all. Domestic workers are excluded from the Factories Act 1948 (no. 63 of 1948) and the Minimum Wages Act, No. 11 of 1949, for example. It is up to state governments to issue notifications on minimum wages for domestic workers, but only a few states, like Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Meghalaya, Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan have issued such notifications [4].  Domestic workers, thus, fall within the category of unorganised labour, and this further lack of regulating mechanisms also means added difficulty in collating substantial nation-wide data on women engaged in such work. Locally concentrated studies by several non-governmental organisations suggest problems such as lack of specified work hours, irregular payment or even non-payment of wages, lack of holidays, added with verbal and often physical abuse. This economic insecurity also is a deterrent when it comes to speaking up against instances of physical and sexual abuse, for fear of being unemployed.

The lackadaisical approach of the legislature towards this is further evident in the fact that domestic workers have been included in the Unorganised Workers Social Security Act, 2008 (Act 33 of 2008) only after an intervention by the Supreme Court [5]. Again, their inclusion within the purview of the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, was not without struggle and even within it, loopholes remain.

For the longest time, there were no laws at all to protect women from sexual harassment at workplaces in India. The Supreme Court’s Vishaka Guidelines (Vishakha vs State of Rajasthan, 1997) were the primary framework followed in case of such abuse. And yet, when finally in 2010 the National Commission for Women submitted a draft on Sexual Harassment at Workplace Bill to the Parliament of India, it too did not include domestic workers. The authorities purportedly argued that the lack of witnesses inside a household would make it difficult to prove instances of sexual harassment, and hence households were excluded from the definition of workplaces. It was only after severe criticism and protest from several quarters, that the Act included domestic workers [6].

However, while in case of other workplaces, the Act mandates the creation of an Internal Complaints Committee, which must take immediate action when a complaint of sexual harassment is made by an employee, in case of domestic workers, this is not possible. The law mandates that every district must have in place a Local Complaints Committee instead, which a woman domestic worker may approach, in case of sexual harassment. This makes their inclusion into the law ineffective in practice, because, added to economic vulnerability of their situation, mistrust in government authorities results in domestic workers’ reluctance in approaching such institutions.

One could argue that unionising domestic workers, in order to make them aware of their economic as well as personal rights can go a long way in redressing this.  There are indeed several workers’ unions that have been working towards this, like the National Domestic Workers Movement, for example, which has branches in 23 states across the country [7], a lot still remains to be done. Another regulating mechanism could be placement agencies. Yet, commentators like N. Neetha have shown how such recruitment agencies instead often add to the abuse, by withholding wages and providing inadequate training. They are also often unregistered themselves, and the lack of any concrete state mechanism to regulate and monitor such agencies allows them to evade legal supervision[8].

Thus, when talking of the safety and security of employees at a workplace, in the specific context of women domestic workers in India, one cannot separate the legal reforms required in labour laws and in laws protecting from personal assaults. The government, thus, not only needs to modify labour laws applicable within the country, but recognize its responsibility vis-à-vis international laws as well.

Global data from 2014, by the International Trade Union Confederation, estimates that millions of migrant workers from poor counties including India are employed as domestic workers in the Gulf countries, and of them, about 2.4 million women end up in slavery [9]. Yet, in spite of being a signatory to several international labour conventions, India is not among the mere 22 countries that have ratified the ILO Domestic Workers Convention of 2011 (C189) [10]. The convention recognises that not only are most domestic workers women, but many of them are “migrants or members of disadvantaged communities and who are particularly vulnerable to discrimination”, and puts specific focus on developing countries, where because of “historically scarce opportunities for formal employment, domestic workers constitute a significant proportion of the national workforce and remain among the most marginalized” [11]. In light of this, India’s reluctance to ratify this convention underscores the bias inherent in India’s legal mechanisms.

It is interesting that the International Labour Organisation itself recognises the need for safety in domestic work as a separate rubric, by celebrating International Domestic Workers’ Day on June 16,   to commemorate the adoption of the above mentioned convention [12]. The ILO commemoration in 2016 brings into focus the need for the participation of the employers, or owners of households, in a dialogue on the protection of the rights of domestic workers. This reluctance of the employers to participate towards the cause is evident in India as well, as surveys by NGOs like Jagori attest [13]. The household cannot truly be regulated as a workspace, then, if the employers do not come together and recognise their responsibilities towards their employees.

In conclusion, on the occasion of the ‘World Day for Safety and Health at Work’, in the specific context of women domestic workers in India, one cannot ensure safety or health for the women at risk without first recognising and regulating their workspaces, and this can be achieved only through multiple levels of collaboration between the government, the society and the household itself.

NOTES:

[1] ‘Who are Domestic Workers?’, http://www.ilo.org/global/topics/domestic-workers/WCMS_209773/lang–en/index.htm

[2] Ibid.

[3] ‘Ending Child Labour in Domestic Work’, ILO 2013, http://www.ilo.org/ipecinfo/product/download.do?type=document&id=21515

[4] Cf. ‘A Report on Domestic Workers: Conditions, Rights and Responsibilities A study of part-time domestic workers in Delhi’, Jagori, http://www.jagori.org/wp-content/uploads/2006/01/Final_DW_English_report_10-8-2011.pdf  , Page 9-10

[5] Ibid.

[6] Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, http://www.iitbbs.ac.in/notice/sexual-harrassment-of-women-act-and-rules-2013.pdf

[7] Cf. ‘A Report on Domestic Workers: Conditions, Rights and Responsibilities A study of part-time domestic workers in Delhi’, Jagori, http://www.jagori.org/wp-content/uploads/2006/01/Final_DW_English_report_10-8-2011.pdf, Pages 8-11.

[8] Neetha, N. 2008.‘Regulating Domestic Work’. Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. 43, No. 37, September 13, 2008

[9] ‘Facilitating Exploitation: A Review of Labour Laws for Migrant Domestic Workers in GCC Countries’, ITUC Legal and Policy Brief, Pages 1, 7. http://www.ituc-csi.org/IMG/pdf/gcc_legal_and_policy_brief_domestic_workers_final_text_clean_282_29.pdf

[10] Ratifications of C189- (Convention Concerning Decent Work For Domestic Workers)  http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=1000:11300:0::NO:11300:P11300_INSTRUMENT_ID:2551460

[11] C189 – Domestic Workers Convention, 2011 (No. 189), http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_INSTRUMENT_ID:2551460

[12] ‘Decent Work for Domestic Workers begins at home’, http://www.ilo.org/global/topics/domestic-workers/events-and-training/WCMS_371983/lang–en/index.htm

[13] Cf. ‘A Report on Domestic Workers: Conditions, Rights and Responsibilities A study of part-time domestic workers in Delhi’, Jagori, http://www.jagori.org/wp-content/uploads/2006/01/Final_DW_English_report_10-8-2011.pdf, Page 20

Redrawing Resistance: Expressions of young women on sexual harassment in public

by Mangalam Sridhar

A painting, dark and grim on one side, bright and happy on the other. Depicting the ideal picture of happy women on the left, and the everyday reality of women, because of the violence they face, on the right. This was among the 50 works of art on display at the Lalit Kala Akademi between April 15 and 17, 2016. The works were a part of the ‘Redrawing Resistance’ exhibition, which showcased the expressions of young women on sexual harassment in public places. The exhibition was organised by PCVC, in collaboration with the US Consulate and WCC.

The art exhibition, and the events around it, were the result of a workshop on gender sensitization and sexual harassment with students of Women’s Christian College(WCC) conducted by PCVC at WCC. The participants were city students, and survivors of domestic violence associated with PCVC. As an exercise in art therapy, the participants were asked to express street sexual harassment, and the violence that they face as they navigate the world around them. The end products stood testimony to the fact that every woman experiences violence differently, and expresses it in her own way. 

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

One of the participants made a pot art which showed the different goals and dreams of a woman and how they are restricted once she is married. One showed how women are judged based on their outfits and another displayed how women show one face to the world and have another face inside them that they are not confident enough to reveal.

What was most striking perhaps was the work of the survivors. They told their stories through art, giving the world a small idea of the struggles they have faced, and continue to face. One of the survivors, had depicted her story in two sections. One section is red and the other is green. Both are covered with flowers and beads, but the red section shows fading flowers and the larger green one is full of color showing hope. This represented her life- the attack, after which she faced a lot of discrimination in the society. The art exhibition gave her the confidence and strength to portray her story and her face to the world with her head held high.

 The focus, through the three days, was on sexual harassment that women face on an everyday basis in public spaces, and the need to bring an end to it. And everything from the decor to the discussion reflected this. Apart from the art-work, the walls of the room were adorned with posters of women with slogans about reclaiming public spaces (#oorusuthify): stop objectifying us, stop treating our bodies as public spaces, and stop dictating to us about what to wear or where to go. 

The exhibition was inaugurated by Ariel Pollock, Public Affairs Officer, US Consulate. According to a study conducted in 2012, 7 out of 10 girls are subjected to harassment, she stressed. She also said that, Sexual Harassment is not just an Indian issue, it’s a global issue. Prasanna Gettu, Founder and CEO of International Foundation for Crime Prevention and Victim Care, said, we all are moving forward to resilient, resourceful, violent-free lives.

The inaugural session was dominated by poetry. Sharada and Michelle wrote the work and it was performed by Sharada, Michelle and Pooja, setting the tone for the weekend. “I am not the light. I am not the darkness. I am not good. I am not evil. I am not a doormat. I am not the temple bell. I am not your mother. I am not your sister. I don’t need to be. I refuse to be in the hierarchy of this patriarchy. I refuse to be held responsible for being who I need to be,” the poets exclaimed. 

On Day 2, Paromita Vohra’s “Unlimited Girls” was screened, followed by a discussion on dealing with sexual harassment. The participants raised concerns about why reacting to sexual harassment is not easy, and discussed ways in which they could act in future, including being legally literate. 

The organisers are planning to take the exhibition to other places in the city, in order to create more awareness about sexual harassment.